@ISIDEWITHPreguntesProblemes d’habitatgeFa 3 anys

S’ha de permetre que les persones sense sostre, que han rebutjat l’allotjament o l’habitatge disponibles, dormin o acampin a la propietat pública?

La Llei de reducció de les persones sense llar de 2017 té com a objectiu garantir que totes les persones que es troben en risc de quedar-se sense llar, o les persones sense llar, tinguin legalment dret a una ajuda significativa de la seva autoritat local, independentment de la seva situació actual. Ho fa definint el servei que els ajuntaments i altres ens públics han de prestar a les persones sense llar o en risc de quedar-se sense llar. La llei obliga als ajuntaments a oferir aquesta ajuda en una fase més primerenca que abans, amb l’objectiu que això disminueixi la probabilitat que les persones es quedin sense llar.

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Answer Overview

Response rates from 757 Blackley and Middleton South voters.

45%
Sí
55%
Sense
31%
Sí
54%
Sense
15%
Sí, i crear més programes socials per oferir menjar, roba i medicaments gratuïts
1%
No, i convertir-lo en delicte

Historical Support

Trend of support over time for each answer from 757 Blackley and Middleton South voters.

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Importància Històrica

Trend of how important this issue is for 757 Blackley and Middleton South voters.

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Altres Respostes Populars

Unique answers from Blackley and Middleton South voters whose views went beyond the provided options.

Últimes Notícies

Estigueu al dia dels articles de notícies més recents “Acampades sense llar” , actualitzats amb freqüència.

 @ISIDEWITH enviat…2mos2MO

Drug Crisis Prompts Portland to Reboot City Government

In a sign of either hope or desperation, Portland voters decided to throw out their entire government structure and replace it with a weaker mayor, expanded City Council and ranked choice voting.A major driving factor was the passage of “Measure 110” decriminalizing all drugs in 2020, which was backed by 74 percent of Multnomah County’s residents. Voters couldn’t — or at least didn’t — anticipate how this policy change would reshape a city already strapped for money, dealing with a public health crisis and confronting rising rates of homelessness and fentanyl abuse.Drug use shot up, homelessness worsened and taxpayers fled.“Political rhetoric in 2020-2021 in the City of Portland was incredibly ideologically driven,” Gonzalez said, explaining that there was a “default conversation” on topics like homelessness or police reform that shut down an exchange of ideas.The City Council race, meanwhile, is mayhem. Portland is switching from four at-large seats to twelve seats representing four districts. The dozens of candidates include Black Lives Matter leaders, nonprofit advocates, business owners and police officers.There are 19 people running for mayor and 98 people seeking seats on the City Council. They’re nearly all campaigning on left-of-center platforms — this is Portland.Pandemic closures, protests, elevated crime rates and rising homelessness buffeted many liberal cities in recent years, including San Francisco and Minneapolis. But policy choices made by the city and state aggravated their impact in Portland.The ramifications are measurable: Nearly 12,000 people moved out of Multnomah County between 2020 and 2023, per data from Portland State University. The exodus between 2020 and 2021 alone took nearly $1.1 billion in taxable income out of the city, according to data analyzed by the Economic Innovation Group. Portland’s once bustling downtown is nearly empty, and a negative national reputation clouds its economic future.Drug decriminalization and the city’s open camping rules compounded the feeling of insecurity. Homeless encampments spread through empty public spaces and filled sidewalks during the lockdown, and some became epicenters for the fentanyl trade. Even Portlanders who voted for decriminalization and believe in a compassionate approach to homelessness didn’t feel as safe in their own neighborhoods.